ይህ የምርምር ንዴፇ ሃሳብ የትውሌዴን ግብረገባዊ እሴት በመገንባት ሂዯት የተቋማት ሚና  ሊይ ትኩረት አዴርጓሌ፡፡ አሊማውም የትውሌዴን ግብረገባዊነት በመገንባት ሂዯት ውስጥ የተቋማት ሚና፤ምን እንዯሚመስሌ መርምሯሌ፡፡ ይህንን አሊማ ከግብ ሇማዴረስ መረጃዎች ከወሊጆች፣ከመምህራን፣ከተማሪዎች፣ ከሃይማኖተ አባቶች እና ከምዕመናን በጽሁፍ መጠይቅ፣ በቃሇ መጠይቅ እና በቡዴን ውይይት ተሰብስበዋሌ፡፡ የተሰበሰቡት መረጃዎችም ትንታኔ ተሰጥቶባቸዋሌ፡፡ በትንታኔው መሰረትም ከጽሁፍ መጠይቅ፣ከቃሇ መጠይቅ እና ከቡድን ተኮር ውይይት የተገኘው መረጃ እንሚያመሇክተው የወሊጆች የትውሌድን ግብረ ገባዊ እሴትን እና ባህሪን  የመገንባት ሚናቸው ከፍተኛ ነው፡፡ ወሊጆች የትውሌዴን ግብረገባዊ እሴት እና ባህሪ ሇመገንባት ከሌጆቻቸው ጋር ሰፊ ያሇ ውይይት እንዯሚያዯርጉ ጥናቱ አመሊክቷሌ፡፡ እንዱሁም ወሊጆች ሇሌጆቻቸው መከባበርን፣መዋዯዴን፣ታማኝነትን፣እውነተኝነትን ሇማስረጽ ከፍተኛ ጥረት እንሚያዯርጉ ጥናቱ አሳይቷሌ፡፡ እንዱሁም የመምህራን የትውሌድን ግብረገባዊ እሴት እና ባህሪ የመገንባት ሚናቸው ከፍተኛ እንደሆነ ትንተናው አመሊክቷሌ፡ ፡ የተማሪዎችን ግብረገባዊ እሴት እና ባህሪ ሇመገንባት መምህራን አርአያ መሆንን፣ክብር መስጠትን፣ታማኝ ሆኖ መገኘትን እንዯሚተገብሩ ጥናቱ አሳይቷሌ፡፡ በተመሳሳይ የሃይማኖት መሪዎች እና ምዕመናን የትውሌድን ግብረ ገባዊ እሴት እና ባህሪ በመገንባት በኩሌ ከፍተኛ ሚና እንዳሊቸው ጥናቱ አሳይቷሌ፡፡   

Sea access is one of the major questions for landlocked states. Ethiopia is one of the largest landlocked states in Africa. Historically, it had sea ports and controlled the surrounding coastal territories. However, the country has been a landlocked state since the independence of Eritrea. Studies showed that being landlocked in Ethiopia resulted in diversified potential problems in the state. This problem, now, pushed Ethiopians, including the PM Abiy Ahmed, to reclaim their sea access in the Red Sea region. The current quest of Ethiopians about sea access faced difficulties because the coastal states, such as Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia, geographically detached Ethiopia from the Red Sea coast. The purpose of the research is, therefore, to analyze the rational possibilities of Ethiopia to get sea access. The researcher will reflect on Ethiopia’s current capability, which enables the evaluation of whether Ethiopia realizes its quest or not. Moreover, the quest for sea access resulted in security problems, which is the manifestation of the Horn region from below. So, the study will address how Ethiopia harnesses its quest without affecting other states' national interests and the Horn's security. To address these questions, the researchers collected both primary and secondary data that will be collected through interviews, questionnaires, documents, and discourse analysis. Finally, the collected data will be analyzed through a mixed approach.  Lastly, the study will have the following two dominant roles. Firstly, it will contribute to the government as an input to effectively address the sea quest in the Horn region. Second, the overall result of the study will be a vital reference to readers as a source of knowledge. The findings of the study will be disseminated through seminars, conferences, and publications. The mega research will be accomplished in May 2025, and it will cost 320,000 Birr.  Key Words: Ethiopia, Horn of Africa Sea, sea access, regional security, security dilemma 

 This study examines the role of external actors in Ethiopia’s ongoing national dialogue, with a particular focus on the Amhara people’s interests. A convergent mixed-methods design, integrating both quantitative and qualitative data, was employed. Findings show that international NGOs shape the dialogue’s legitimacy, inclusivity, and perceived local ownership. While their funding, mediation, and agenda-setting are vital for sustaining the process, many Ethiopians remain skeptical, viewing their involvement as a source of political conditionality, foreign dominance, and threats to sovereignty. Survey results reveal that 78.3% of respondents considered external actors moderately to highly influential, and over 65% saw this role as more problematic than beneficial.The study also assessed internal stakeholders’ involvement. Results indicate that inclusivity remains a major concern, with 85% of respondents believing opposition parties are inadequately represented. The ruling government dominates the agenda, undermining credibility. Civil society organizations, community leaders, and religious figures attempt to link grassroots issues to national debates, but face restrictions and political distrust. Insurgent groups wield influence, yet unconditional inclusion risks legitimizing violence. For the Amhara, skepticism toward the dialogue is particularly pronounced. Central grievances include marginalization in federal politics, unresolved identity and boundary conflicts—most notably Wolkait and Raya ethnic-based violence, and demands for constitutional reform. Despite support from Amhara-affiliated domestic actors and diaspora networks, their influence is curtailed by state control and structural constraints. Moreover, interethnic tensions and perceptions that Amhara claims threaten the ethnic federal order complicate their participation.The findings underscore the paradox of external assistance: simultaneously essential and delegitimizing. To enhance credibility and sustainability, Ethiopia’s national dialogue must prioritize inclusivity, transparency, and meaningful local ownership.
 Keywords: Ethiopia, national dialogue, Amhara, conflict resolution, ethnic federalism, transitional justice, inclusive

This study investigates how effectively Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has addressed the crisis in Somalia since 1991, using realism theory as its analytical framework. It employs a qualitative case study approach to delve into IGAD's interventions and their implications, conducting an in-depth analysis of IGAD's official documents, resolutions, and crisisrelated reports concerning Somalia. By applying realism theory, the study scrutinizes IGAD's actions and motivations from a perspective centered on power politics, highlighting the significance of state interests and regional stability. It suggests that IGAD member states may resist to cooperate when they perceive IGAD's engagement in Somalia is regarded as a threat to their security interests. Despite IGAD's numerous peace initiatives, achieving sustainable peace in Somalia remains elusive. The paper asserts that while IGAD has made substantial efforts to resolve the Somalia conflict, its effectiveness has been constrained by the complexity of the conflict, external influences, and divergent interests among member states. To enhance IGAD's effectiveness, the study recommends various actions, including promoting regional economic integration, mobilizing external resources, improving transparency and accountability, fostering regional identity and solidarity, and maintaining a balanced power dynamic to prevent dominance by any single entity. Applying these measures could significantly improve IGAD's capacity to support peace and stability in Somalia and the entire East Africa region.
 


Keywords: Horn of Africa, IGAD, Somalia, Peace and security, Realism theory, Regional cooperation

This study examines the commitment and compliance of two key rebel groups in the Ethiopian Civil War—theTigray People’s Liberation Front and the Oromo Liberation Front—to international human rights norms, utilizingthe Jo and Bryant framework of human rights commitment and compliance for non-state actors as an analyticaltool. A systematic secondary document analysis was conducted, with data sourced from national and interna-tional media outlets, as well as reports from humanitarian organizations. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front ischaracterized by a more centralized and disciplined organizational structure, which has facilitated greateraccountability for its actions. In contrast, the Oromo Liberation Front has faced significant internal fragmentationand weak command, complicating the attribution of responsibility. Despite these organizational differences, bothgroups share a record of serious human rights violations, including the mistreatment of prisoners of war, masscivilian killings, forced displacements, and the use of child soldiers. While neither group fully adheres to humanrights standards, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front has demonstrated a relatively greater capacity to facilitatehumanitarian aid, although this aid is frequently diverted for military purposes, undermining its intendedsupport for civilians. This diversion reflects a troubling pattern of aid misappropriation that compromises theeffectiveness of humanitarian efforts in conflict zones. Conversely, the Oromo Liberation Front’s lack of coop-eration with humanitarian agencies further exacerbates the suffering of affected populations, underscoring theneed for both groups to reassess their commitment to humanitarian principles and the protection of civilianrights. The study calls for international actors to exert pressure on both groups to ensure compliance with at leasta minimum standard of human rights norms.
Keywords: Ethiopia, Civil war, Human rights compliance, Rebel groups

In the post-1991 period, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front clearly endorsed the separationof state and religion. More importantly, the government is obliged to deliver equal protection for the peacefulworshiping and well-being of religious institutions. However, there is little or no protection given to the Ethi-opian Orthodox Church and Christians, specifically in the post 2018 political transition. Therefore, this studyexamines the most devastating and selective murdering and slaughtering of Orthodox Christians and the de-molition of the church a few months after a new governmental transition took place in April 2018. To do so, thispaper applied the theory of “religious victimization” to analyze the interplay between the so-called politicalreform and religious practice since 2018. In this respect, a qualitative research approach with a case researchdesign was used: ten in-depth interviews, three focus group discussions, field observations, and secondarysources analysis. According to the findings, thematic analysis was applied by arranging items in the team basedon their similarities. The results of the study also revealed that there were mass killings and demolition of or-thodox Christian properties in the Ethio-Somalia, Oromia, and Sidama regions of Ethiopia. Vandalism wassupposed to be systematic and well-planned. In this study, the researchers strongly recommend that the gov-ernment identify intervention strategies to stop the atrocities of Ethiopian Christians.
Keywords: Church burnings, Demolition properties, Ethiopian orthodox church, Political transition, Religious freedom, Mass killings

Abstract
The main purpose of this study is to examine the repercussions of Red Sea instability on the Red Sea Region security. This research is significant in providing theoretical insights for stakeholders to address the repercussions of Red Sea instability in the Red Sea Region for the region's states. This study employed a Qualitative research approach with a Case study research design, and data were collected through interviews and document analysis. The data was analysed through thematic analysis. Based on the analysis conducted; the study found that the instability of Red Sea leads to various socio-economic problems in the region, such as economic disruptions, political instability, piracy threat, Security threats and diplomatic challenges, increased competition among regional powers, potential to proxy war, large-scale displacement and refugee influx, proliferation of arms and weapons, disruption of trade route in the region states. In general, the findings of this study revealed that the Red Sea region governments play a pivotalrole in addressing the multi-faceted challenges of Red Sea instability in the region by strengthening diplomatic engagement with neighbouring Red Sea countries & regional powers; exploring economic diversificationstrategies for their economy, and enhancing and legalizing their maritime security. Red Sea region states should collaborate with international organizations, strengthen national institutions, strengthen security forces, and address conflicts in the Red Sea Region to prevent spillover effects and counter terrorism efforts.Keywords:  Red Sea, Red Sea region, Security,Turmoil

Political narrative is an instrument for political actors to construct a shared meaning, and it can be harnessed to harm political opponents. The Italian invaders, the Ethiopian Student Movement, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the Oromo Liberation Front, and the incumbent regime contributed in varying degrees to the Amhara domination narrative. TPLF, in its political manifesto and later in the 1995 FDRE constitution, institutionally crafted an anti- Amhara narrative, reaching a crescendo after Abiy Ahmed assumed office in 2018. Thus, this research article tried to scrutinise and weigh the discourse of institutionally crafted Amhara existential threats. The study employed a qualitative research tradition and an exploratory research design approach that involved a political-economic analysis. The study finds that the century-old Amhara domination narrative, coupled with institutionally supported recurrent mass killings and expulsion, especially in Oromia, Benishangul- Gumuz, and Amhara regional states, posed a real and perceived existential threat that gave birth to the Amhara Fano armed struggle.KEYWORDS: Narrative; institution; existential threat; identity;Fano; Amhara

Secularism in Ethiopia has not been practiced as stipulated in the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) constitution, the separation of state and religion. Instead, consecutive regimes since the introduction of secularism employed the tactic of co-option and repression towards the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) to meet their political objectives. This article thus tried to address the nature and manifestation of government intervention in the EOTC through either co-option and/or repression, with a special emphasis on the post-2018 regime. The study argues that de facto secularism in Ethiopia is far from the essence of the separation of state and religion; it is a new version of religion industriously implemented by governments to upgrade the Orthodox Church in a way that fits with the political system. The secular regimes co-opted and repressed the church conditionally at any cost to the institution through the Machiavellian approach. The study also finds that the Prosperity-led regime was actively involved in the internal affairs of the church—in the early days through co-option in the name of reconciliation with the exile synod and later through repression. Manifestations of this repression include the mass killing of orthodox followers, burning of churches and restriction on the church’s annual ceremony, as in the case of Epiphany and Meskel(Demera).Keywords: Secularism, religion, co-option, repression, EOTC

The evolving engagement of the Gulf States in the Horn of Africa has become an emerging determinant of the region’s current and future security landscape. The United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) active presence in the political economy of Ethiopia, following the Ethiopia–Eritrea peace deal, brings existing and potential security threats to Ethiopia and the wider Horn region. This study mainly tried to glean the political and security threats posed by the UAE’s active presence in Ethiopia since 2018. This study employed a qualitative research approach with an exploratory research design. The primary and secondary data were thoroughly consulted. The study argues that, given Ethiopia’s age-old dispute with Egypt and Sudan—strategic, historical and religious alliance with the UAE over Nile River utilisation—the UAE is unlikely to be Ethiopia’s strategic partner. The study also finds that the theocratic and undemocratic state experiences of the UAE, coupled with the de-institutionalised nature of bilateral relations, put the UAE at odds with Ethiopia’s long-range national interests. The rival advent of Gulf States in the region also exposed Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa states to potential proxy wars.Keywords: Gulf States, security, threats, UAE, Ethiopia