This paper addresses the smart management and control of an independent hybrid system based onrenewable energies. The suggested system comprises a photovoltaic system (PVS), a wind energyconversion system (WECS), a battery storage system (BSS), and electronic power devices that arecontrolled to enhance the efficiency of the generated energy. Regarding the load side, the systemcomprises AC loads, DC loads, and a water pump. An Adaptive Neuro-Fuzzy Inference System (ANFIS)-based MPPT technique is suggested to enhance the efficiency of the PVS and WECS. This technologyprovided good performance compared with the Perturb and Observe (P&O) algorithm and MPPT-basedfuzzy logic controller (FLC). The use of the ANFIS-PI proposed to control the bidirectional converteraccomplished voltage stabilization for the DC bus. This work also came with a fuzzy logic-basedalgorithm to manage the load side that depends on battery charge ratio, solar radiation, and windspeed. According to results obtained in the MATLAB/Simulink environment, the proposed technologieswere found to have performed well. The goal we were also pursuing was achieved through the fulluse of the energy generated by the proposed algorithm. The proposed study holds great potential forremote regions.Index terms: Renewable energy, Hybrid system, MPPT, ANFIS controller, Management

The primary objective of this study was to investigate the practices and challenges of good governance in urban land administration, with a particular focus on the Debre Markos City Administration. The study selected the Debre Markos City Administration Municipality service office as a case study. This study employed a mixed research approach, and data were collected through questionnaire and interview methods obtained from both public servants and customers. The data was analysed through descriptive analysis. Based on the analysis conducted using three core elements of good governance—transparency, accountability, and responsiveness, the study found that there were poor practices of good governance in urban land administration. On the other hand, the study investigated various challenges of good governance in urban land administration, which emanate from personal, administrative, and socio-economic problems such as the absence of innovative figures of land registration, lack of monitoring and evaluation, inadequate institutional performance, and absence of reward and punishment systems. In general, the findings of this study revealed that due to various challenges, there were poor practices of good governance in terms of transparency, accountability, and responsiveness in the study area. These challenges impede people’s access to quality service in urban areas and undermine the trust between citizens and the government. Finally, enhancing institutional capacity, consistent implementations of monitoring and evaluation, innovative figures of land registration, and giving corrective measures for wrongdoers were stated as recommendations.

Abstract
The main purpose of this study is to examine the repercussions of Red Sea instability on the Red Sea Region security. This research is significant in providing theoretical insights for stakeholders to address the repercussions of Red Sea instability in the Red Sea Region for the region's states. This study employed a Qualitative research approach with a Case study research design, and data were collected through interviews and document analysis. The data was analysed through thematic analysis. Based on the analysis conducted; the study found that the instability of Red Sea leads to various socio-economic problems in the region, such as economic disruptions, political instability, piracy threat, Security threats and diplomatic challenges, increased competition among regional powers, potential to proxy war, large-scale displacement and refugee influx, proliferation of arms and weapons, disruption of trade route in the region states. In general, the findings of this study revealed that the Red Sea region governments play a pivotalrole in addressing the multi-faceted challenges of Red Sea instability in the region by strengthening diplomatic engagement with neighbouring Red Sea countries & regional powers; exploring economic diversificationstrategies for their economy, and enhancing and legalizing their maritime security. Red Sea region states should collaborate with international organizations, strengthen national institutions, strengthen security forces, and address conflicts in the Red Sea Region to prevent spillover effects and counter terrorism efforts.Keywords:  Red Sea, Red Sea region, Security,Turmoil

Political narrative is an instrument for political actors to construct a shared meaning, and it can be harnessed to harm political opponents. The Italian invaders, the Ethiopian Student Movement, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the Oromo Liberation Front, and the incumbent regime contributed in varying degrees to the Amhara domination narrative. TPLF, in its political manifesto and later in the 1995 FDRE constitution, institutionally crafted an anti- Amhara narrative, reaching a crescendo after Abiy Ahmed assumed office in 2018. Thus, this research article tried to scrutinise and weigh the discourse of institutionally crafted Amhara existential threats. The study employed a qualitative research tradition and an exploratory research design approach that involved a political-economic analysis. The study finds that the century-old Amhara domination narrative, coupled with institutionally supported recurrent mass killings and expulsion, especially in Oromia, Benishangul- Gumuz, and Amhara regional states, posed a real and perceived existential threat that gave birth to the Amhara Fano armed struggle.KEYWORDS: Narrative; institution; existential threat; identity;Fano; Amhara

Secularism in Ethiopia has not been practiced as stipulated in the 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) constitution, the separation of state and religion. Instead, consecutive regimes since the introduction of secularism employed the tactic of co-option and repression towards the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) to meet their political objectives. This article thus tried to address the nature and manifestation of government intervention in the EOTC through either co-option and/or repression, with a special emphasis on the post-2018 regime. The study argues that de facto secularism in Ethiopia is far from the essence of the separation of state and religion; it is a new version of religion industriously implemented by governments to upgrade the Orthodox Church in a way that fits with the political system. The secular regimes co-opted and repressed the church conditionally at any cost to the institution through the Machiavellian approach. The study also finds that the Prosperity-led regime was actively involved in the internal affairs of the church—in the early days through co-option in the name of reconciliation with the exile synod and later through repression. Manifestations of this repression include the mass killing of orthodox followers, burning of churches and restriction on the church’s annual ceremony, as in the case of Epiphany and Meskel(Demera).Keywords: Secularism, religion, co-option, repression, EOTC

The evolving engagement of the Gulf States in the Horn of Africa has become an emerging determinant of the region’s current and future security landscape. The United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) active presence in the political economy of Ethiopia, following the Ethiopia–Eritrea peace deal, brings existing and potential security threats to Ethiopia and the wider Horn region. This study mainly tried to glean the political and security threats posed by the UAE’s active presence in Ethiopia since 2018. This study employed a qualitative research approach with an exploratory research design. The primary and secondary data were thoroughly consulted. The study argues that, given Ethiopia’s age-old dispute with Egypt and Sudan—strategic, historical and religious alliance with the UAE over Nile River utilisation—the UAE is unlikely to be Ethiopia’s strategic partner. The study also finds that the theocratic and undemocratic state experiences of the UAE, coupled with the de-institutionalised nature of bilateral relations, put the UAE at odds with Ethiopia’s long-range national interests. The rival advent of Gulf States in the region also exposed Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa states to potential proxy wars.Keywords: Gulf States, security, threats, UAE, Ethiopia

This study examines how external actors influence the effectiveness of Ethiopia’s ongoing national dialogue process, using a convergent mixed-methods design that integrates quantitative and qualitative data. It investigates how the involvement of Western governments, the United Nations, the United States, and international NGOs shapes the dialogue’s legitimacy, inclusivity, and perceived local ownership. While external actors have played important roles in agenda-setting, funding, and mediation, their involvement is often viewed with skepticism by Ethiopians. At the same time, their technical and financial contributions are seen as crucial for sustaining the process, yet they also raise concerns about foreign dominance, political conditionality, and the erosion of national sovereignty. Notably, 78.3%of survey respondents perceived external actors as having a moderate to extremely significant influence on the dialogue, with more than 65% viewing this role as more problematic than beneficial. The study concludes that Ethiopia’s dialogue can succeed only by striking a balance between external support and national ownership. Itrecommends that external actors serve as enablers rather than drivers, while national institutions work to enhance transparency, inclusion, and accountability. These findings contribute to debates on postliberal peacebuilding and underscore the importance of sovereignty-focused engagement in externally supported national dialogue efforts. Keywords: Ethiopia; national dialogue; external actors; sovereignty; political legitimacy

Executive Summary Background and objectivesDiabetes mellitus (DM) and hypertension (HTN) are leading causes of cardiovascular disease, death, and disability, with a growing burden in developing countries. Early detection is essential, and machine learning (ML) offers powerful tools for predicting diseases risk by uncovering complex patterns in health data. At the same time, the Health Belief Model (HBM) explains preventive behaviors through constructs such as perceived susceptibility, severity, benefits, barriers, self-efficacy, and cues to action. This study integrates ML-based predictive modeling with the HBM to identify individuals at risk of HTN and DM and to better understand the behavioral factors influencing prevention, employing a dataset collected in 2025. Materials and methodsData on DM and hypertension HTN were collected from 1,771 employees of Debre Markos, Injibara, and Bahir Dar universities in Northwest Ethiopia. The cross-sectional survey included demographic, health-related, and behavioral factors, with constructs from the Health Belief Model (HBM) such as perceived susceptibility, severity, benefits, barriers, self-efficacy, and cues to action. RFE was applied to identify the most relevant predictors of DM and HTN. Four machine learning algorithms—Logistic Regression (LR), Random Forest (RF), Gradient Boosting Decision Tree (GBDT), and k-Nearest Neighbor (kNN) were developed using theselected features. Model performance was evaluated based on accuracy, precision, recall, the F1-score, and the area under the ROC curve. ResultsThis study found that the ensemble ML models, RF and GBDT, outperformed in predicting HTN and DM, achieving higher accuracy, precision, recall, F1-score, and area under the ROC curve. Analysis of Health Belief Model (HBM) constructs further showed that preventive behaviors were positively associated with perceived susceptibility, severity, benefits, self-efficacy, and cues to action, while perceived barriers were negatively associated. Perceived susceptibility emerged as a significant predictor of HTN and DM, and cues to action contributed to the identification of undiagnosed DM cases. 

Executive Summary The ongoing armed conflict in the Amhara region between the Ethiopian government forces and the Amhara Fano forces has caused significant disruptions in the lives of the local population in East and West Gojjam, and Awi Zones. This research seeks to explore the multifaceted impacts of the conflict on education, the economy, psychosocial well-being, and political stability in these regions. With the conflict lasting for nine months, children have been deprived of education, communities are suffering from psychosocial distress, and both the economy and political environment are severely affected. The study aims to achieve two key objectives: first, to provide a detailed understanding of the situation through evidence-based findings, which will be disseminated at local, national, and international levels; and second, to gather data that can help develop interventions to address the ongoing impacts of the conflict, preventing long-term damage to the affected populations. To meet these objectives, the research will use a mixed-methods approach, employing both quantitative and qualitative data collection techniques. A cross-sectional descriptive survey design and a phenomenological research design will be applied. Data will be gathered through questionnaires, interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs), and document analysis. The research will focus on a purposive sample of individuals directly affected by or involved in the conflict, selected from towns and Woredas using a simple random sampling method. Collected data analyzed using percentage and frequency distributions for quantitative data, and thematic content analysis for qualitative data. Ethical considerations, such as ensuring participant confidentiality and voluntary participation strictly followed. The outcomes of this study will raise awareness of the conflict‘s impacts, inform intervention strategies, and provide evidence to guide recovery efforts. Ultimately, the research will contribute to developing targeted policies and actions to support education, economic recovery, psychosocial well-being, and political stability in the affected regions.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Globally, the amount of time children spend using electronic or digital devices—commonly referred to as screen time are increasingly prevalent. This growing prevalence of screen time among children has raised concerns about its impact on their development. Therefore, this study aimed to explore three key themes: (1) the availability and use of electronic devices in households, (2) factors contributing to excessive screen time among children, and (3) the relationship between screen time and children's cognitive, emotional, and social development. The study was conducted in five selected towns within the East Gojjam Administrative Zone, namely Debre Markos, Bichena, Merto Lemariam, Dejen, and Lumame. For the quantitative data, 845 participants were chosen using multistage sampling techniques. Additionally, qualitative data was collected through interviews with 25 participants, 9 focus group discussions, and the collection of 16 diaries. We collected data by using questionnaires, semistructured interviews, focus group discussions, and diary records. For quantitative data analysis, SPSS version 20 was used. To summarize the demographic characteristics of participants, and describe the availability and use of electronic devices, descriptive statistics such as percentage and mean were used. Multiple regression analysis was used to examine the relationship between the total and device-specific screen time and children’s socioemotional and cognitive development. Qualitative data was analyzed using thematic analysis. The study revealed that children ages 2 to 5 had an average screen time of 244 minutes each day. The two most frequently used electronic devices in this age group are televisions, at 80.4%, and smartphones, at 45.2%. The multiple regression analysis indicated that parental screen time, mother’s employment status, and age were significantly and positively associated with children’s screen time. In conclusion, screen time for children aged 2 to 5 years exceeds the recommended limit. To have proper screen time for both parents and children, it is important to establish and implement clear guidelines.